Vic - 批鬥漢奸？香港到底怎麼了

捉到漢奸--尊子.香港蘋果.2007.10.2

2007年11月3日

李柱銘撰文投書華爾街日報，呼籲美國以至各國領袖藉北京舉辦奧運之機，促請中國兌現改善人權的承諾。一篇論調極其溫和的英文文章（見下附之原文），招來香港「愛國陣營」（這些人只是共產黨的應聲蟲或誤以為自己愛國的糊塗蟲）的刻意歪曲誣蔑，「漢奸」、「賣國」、「吳三桂」的罵聲四起，香港有如重演中國文革式批鬥。向來公信力不錯的明報及信報亦對李柱銘冷言冷語，前者諷其不智，後者說他脫離香港民情。

而民調一度顯示，有70%的香港人傾向反對李柱銘「呼籲布殊向中國施壓 」。不知道這70%的受訪者是否看了李先生的文章？如果你看了、而且看懂了，你又是心智正常的人，你還會認為李先生真有什麼錯嗎？他其實不過念念不忘中國同胞應享有基本人權，呼籲世界領袖也來關心、促請中國政府兌現自己申奧以及之後一再重申的承諾而已，溫柔敦厚得可以。（By the way，如果北京領導人信守承諾、言出必行，同胞們的人權保障日益增強，李柱銘又怎會需要去寫這樣一篇文章？）

香港人到底是怎麼了？因為中資股帶動恆指升破三萬點，在中央各種優惠照顧下，大家一起發財，就反對別人批評中國的人權狀況嗎？明報及信報對李柱銘的批評也真令人失望，前者說李不智，大意是因為他的文章會激怒中央，不利中央與香港民主派的溝通和解之類。這麼溫柔忠厚的呼籲都會激怒中央，那到底可以期望什麼樣的溝通呢？以後民主派就趴在地上跟北京「溝通」好了，反正任何可能刺激對方脆弱敏感神經的話都不能說了。

信報社評唯一可取的是指出布殊本身在人權問題上惡名昭彰，李柱銘去呼籲他促使中國兌現改善人權的承諾沒有說服力。這一點是說得通的。但是，如果你仔細看，當會發現，李柱銘要呼籲的是，不只是布殊一人，而是獲邀出席北京奧運的世界各國領導。是的，你可以說李先生天真——就像信報專欄作者張立一樣，但是，這世界就是有太多思想太陰沉、滿腦子權謀算計的「識時務俊傑」，政治才會那麼的骯髒、從政者才會那麼的沒心肝。

大家記得北京奧運的口號是什麼嗎？不正是One World One Dream嗎？我一直覺得這口號虛偽到讓人噁心想吐，不是我不認同「世界大同」的理想，而是因為我對這種大吹牛皮的偽作深惡痛絕。如果我們真認為既然大家同處一個世界、休戚與共，那麼任何不公義、不人道之事，世界上任何角落的人因此受苦我們都感同身受的話，我們還會提出什麼「尊重XX國主權、不干涉該國內政、相信XX國人民有能力處理好自己的事」這種冷血的混話嗎？即如緬甸，當僧侶及百姓被屠殺時，如果各國袖手旁觀，連口頭譴責都省下，你會認為這種「尊重緬甸主權／內政」的做法對嗎？既然是「同一個世界」，讓全球都來關心緬甸以至中國的人權狀況，不是理所當然嗎？同一個世界，同樣是人，難道不應有同一套的人權標準？

說這種話會被張立那類論者嘲笑對國際政治現實「幼稚無知」，但這類論者只偏重「現實政治」，鄙視「理想政治」——他們是「實力至上論」的信徒，不知道如果只講生存與競爭實力、不講公平正義與人道關懷，人實在與禽獸沒有分別。

說回這次「批鬥漢奸」的鬧劇，令人難過的是，今夕何夕，我們還在振振有詞地罵人「漢奸」、「吳三桂」？我們是還在反清復明嗎？而罵人「賣國」以至「瘋狂賣國」就更可笑了，國家牢牢掌控在中國共產黨手中，除了當權者，誰有本事賣國？

香港人如此愛國，愛到快容不下一個李柱銘，中南海英明的領袖們，你們可以放心讓香港人全面普選特首及立法會議員了吧？

我呼籲各位港島區選民在立法會補選中把票投給葉劉淑儀，讓她大勝陳方安生，這樣一來，我們一定會向雙普選大大邁進一步。北京一高興，「香港想窮都難」，大家又得到民主普選（愛國人士）的權利，輕輕鬆鬆就實現繁榮與民主雙贏，還有比這更好的事嗎？

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李柱銘在《華爾街日報》的文章原文
China's Olympic Opportunity
By MARTIN LEE
October 17, 2007

When President George W. Bush accepted President Hu Jintao's invitation to attend the 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing, Mr. Bush's press secretary said that he was going to the Games as "a sports fan, not to make any political statement." I too am a great sports fan -- especially of the Soccer World Cup -- but I would encourage President Bush to take a broader vision of the possibilities for the Beijing Games. He should use the next 10 months to press for a significant improvement of basic human rights in my country, including press, assembly and religious freedoms.

This should be possible, since Chinese leaders have promised to make these improvements anyway. In their pledges to the International Olympic Committee while bidding for the Games and since, China's leaders at all levels repeatedly assured the world that they would use the Games to go beyond improving the country's physical infrastructure.

"By applying for the Olympics, we want to promote not just the city's development, but the development of society, including democracy and human rights," one of China's key Olympic figures, Deputy Mayor Liu Jingmin, told the Washington Post in 2001. Then, Mr. Liu said, "If people have a target like the Olympics to strive for, it will help us establish a more just and harmonious society, a more democratic society, and help integrate China into the world."

I couldn't agree more. But instead of the hoped-for reforms, the Chinese government appears to be backsliding on its promises, including in Hong Kong where we have near total political paralysis, not the promised road to full democracy. That is no reason to give up on the prospects for reform in China. But it is reason to step up the direct engagement on these pressing issues.

In accepting the invitation to attend China's Games, President Bush said this would be "a moment where China's leaders can use the opportunity to show confidence by demonstrating a commitment to greater openness and tolerance." Instead of a "moment" of change, China needs structural and long-term reforms: placing the Communist Party under the rule of law, unshackling the media and Internet, allowing religious adherents to freely practice their faiths, ceasing harassment of civil-society groups that work on AIDS and the environment, and addressing modest calls for accountability in the political system. Mr. Bush and other world leaders planning to attend the Olympics should not wait for the opening ceremony, but must start now with sustained efforts to achieve this agenda.

One reason for optimism about the possibilities for progress in China is recent Olympic history. When South Korea bid for the 1988 Games, the country was a military dictatorship. Due in good part to the prospects for embarrassment and international engagement, the Olympics helped kick off an overdue peaceful political transformation in South Korea just six months before the launch of the Seoul Games. Since then, South Korea has endured as one of Asia's most stable and vital democracies. The parallels between South Korea and China are not exact, but the lesson is that the Olympics certainly present an opening to raise these issues in the context of the Chinese government's own promises.

In the U.S. and elsewhere, there are campaigns to boycott the Beijing Games over the Chinese government's trade with and support for regimes in Sudan and Burma. As a Chinese person, I would encourage backers of these efforts to consider the positive effects Olympic exposure could still have in China, including scrutiny by the world's journalists. This is certainly the time for Chinese leaders to step up and constructively use their clout in Asia and Africa. In so doing, Beijing should open a new chapter of responsible foreign policy and convince the world it is not oblivious to these issues.

Chinese people around the world are proud that China will host the Games. China has the world's fastest growing economy, and may indeed put on history's most impressive Olympic Games next August. But how does it profit our nation if it wins gold medals but suffers from the continued absence of democracy, human rights and the rule of law？
It is my hope that the Games could have a catalytic effect on the domestic and foreign policies of the Chinese government, and that the Chinese people will remember the Games long after they are held -- not merely for medals won, but also because they were a turning point for human rights and the rule of law in China. That would be something worth cheering.